Submitted by Tyler Durden on 07/02/2015 18:00 -0400
"Greece is being 'hit', there's no doubt about
it," exclaims
John Perkins, author of Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, noting that
"[Indebted countries] become servants to what I call the corporatocracy
... today we have a global empire, and it's not an American empire. It's
not a national empire... It's a corporate empire, and the big corporations
rule."
John Perkins, author of Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, discusses how
Greece and other eurozone countries have become the new victims of
"economic hit men."
John Perkins is no stranger to making confessions. His
well-known book, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, revealed how
international organizations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and
the World Bank, while publicly professing to "save" suffering
countries and economies, instead pull a bait-and-switch on their governments:
promising startling growth, gleaming new infrastructure projects and a future
of economic prosperity - all of which would occur if those countries borrow
huge loans from those organizations. Far from achieving runaway economic growth
and success, however, these countries instead fall victim to a crippling and
unsustainable debt burden.
That's where the "economic hit men" come in: seemingly
ordinary men, with ordinary backgrounds, who travel to these countries and
impose the harsh austerity policies prescribed by the IMF and World Bank as
"solutions" to the economic hardship they are now experiencing. Men
like Perkins were trained to squeeze every last drop of wealth and resources
from these sputtering economies, and continue to do so to this day. In this
interview, which aired on Dialogos Radio, Perkins talks about how Greece and
the eurozone have become the new victims of such "economic hit men."
Michael Nevradakis: In your book, you write about how
you were, for many years, a so-called "economic hit man." Who are
these economic hit men, and what do they do?
John Perkins: Essentially, my job was to identify countries
that had resources that our corporations want, and that could be things like
oil - or it could be markets - it could be transportation systems. There're so
many different things. Once we identified these countries, we arranged huge
loans to them, but the money would never actually go to the countries; instead
it would go to our own corporations to build infrastructure projects in those
countries, things like power plants and highways that benefitted a few wealthy
people as well as our own corporations, but not the majority of people who
couldn't afford to buy into these things, and yet they were left holding a huge
debt, very much like what Greece has today, a phenomenal debt.
"[Indebted countries] become servants to what I
call the corporatocracy ... today we have a global empire, and it's not an
American empire. It's not a national empire ... It's a corporate empire, and
the big corporations rule."
And once [they were] bound by that debt, we would go
back, usually in the form of the IMF - and in the case of Greece today, it's
the IMF and the EU [European Union] - and make tremendous demands on the
country: increase taxes, cut back on spending, sell public sector utilities to
private companies, things like power companies and water systems, transportation
systems, privatize those, and basically become a slave to us, to the
corporations, to the IMF, in your case to the EU, and basically, organizations
like the World Bank, the IMF, the EU, are tools of the big corporations, what I
call the "corporatocracy."
And before turning specifically to the case of Greece,
let's talk a little bit more about the manner in which these economic hit men
and these organizations like the IMF operate. You mentioned, of course, how
they go in and they work to get these countries into massive debt, that money
goes in and then goes straight back out. You also mentioned in your book these
overly optimistic growth forecasts that are sold to the politicians of these
countries but which really have no resemblance to reality.
Exactly, we'd show that if these investments were made
in things like electric energy systems that the economy would grow at
phenomenally high rates. The fact of the matter is, when you invest in these
big infrastructure projects, you do see economic growth, however, most of that
growth reflects the wealthy getting wealthier and wealthier; it doesn't reflect
the majority of the people, and we're seeing that in the United States today.
"In the case of Greece, my reaction was that
'Greece is being hit.' There's no question about it."
For example, where we can show economic growth, growth
in the GDP, but at the same time unemployment may be going up or staying level,
and foreclosures on houses may be going up or staying stable. These numbers
tend to reflect the very wealthy, since they have a huge percentage of the
economy, statistically speaking. Nevertheless, we would show that when you
invest in these infrastructure projects, your economy does grow, and yet, we
would even show it growing much faster than it ever conceivably would, and that
was only used to justify these horrendous, incredibly debilitating loans.
Is there a common theme with respect to the countries
typically targeted? Are they, for instance, rich in resources or do they
typically possess some other strategic importance to the powers that be?
Yes, all of those. Resources can take many different
forms: One is the material resources like minerals or oil; another resource is
strategic location; another resource is a big marketplace or cheap labor. So,
different countries make different requirements. I think what we're seeing in
Europe today isn't any different, and that includes Greece.
What happens once these countries that are targeted
are indebted? How do these major powers, these economic hit men, these
international organizations come back and get their "pound of flesh,"
if you will, from the countries that are heavily in debt?
By insisting that the countries adopt policies that
will sell their publicly owned utility companies, water and sewage systems,
maybe schools, transportation systems, even jails, to the big corporations.
Privatize, privatize. Allow us to build military bases on their soil. Many
things can be done, but basically, they become servants to what I call the
corporatocracy. You have to remember that today we have a global empire, and
it's not an American empire. It's not a national empire. It doesn't help the
American people very much. It's a corporate empire, and the big corporations
rule. They control the politics of the United States, and to a large degree
they control a great deal of the policies of countries like China, around the
world.
John, looking specifically now at the case of Greece,
of course you mentioned your belief that the country has become the victim of
economic hit men and these international organizations . . . what was your
reaction when you first heard about the crisis in Greece and the measures that
were to be implemented in the country?
I've been following Greece for a long time. I was on
Greek television. A Greek film company did a documentary called "Apology
of an Economic Hit Man," and I also spent a lot of time in Iceland and in
Ireland. I was invited to Iceland to help encourage the people there to vote on
a referendum not to repay their debts, and I did that and encouraged them not
to, and they did vote no, and as a result, Iceland is doing quite well now
economically compared to the rest of Europe. Ireland, on the other hand: I
tried to do the same thing there, but the Irish people apparently voted against
the referendum, though there's been many reports that there was a lot of
corruption.
"That's part of the game: convince people that
they're wrong, that they're inferior. The corporatocracy is incredibly good at
that."
In the case of Greece, my reaction was that
"Greece is being hit." There's no question about it. Sure, Greece
made mistakes, your leaders made some mistakes, but the people didn't really
make the mistakes, and now the people are being asked to pay for the mistakes
made by their leaders, often in cahoots with the big banks. So, people make
tremendous amounts of money off of these so-called "mistakes," and
now, the people who didn't make the mistakes are being asked to pay the price.
That's consistent around the world: We've seen it in Latin America. We've seen
it in Asia. We've seen it in so many places around the world.
This leads directly to the next question I had: From
my observation, at least in Greece, the crisis has been accompanied by an
increase in self-blame or self-loathing; there's this sentiment in Greece that
many people have that the country failed, that the people failed . . . there's
hardly even protest in Greece anymore, and of course there's a huge "brain
drain" - there's a lot of people that are leaving the country. Does this
all seem familiar to you when comparing to other countries in which you've had
personal experience?
Sure, that's part of the game: convince people that
they're wrong, that they're inferior. The corporatocracy is incredibly good at
that, whether it is back during the Vietnam War, convincing the world that the
North Vietnamese were evil; today it's the Muslims. It's a policy of them
versus us: We are good. We are right. We do everything right. You're wrong. And
in this case, all of this energy has been directed at the Greek people to say
"you're lazy; you didn't do the right thing; you didn't follow the right
policies," when in actuality, an awful lot of the blame needs to be laid
on the financial community that encouraged Greece to go down this route. And I
would say that we have something very similar going on in the United States,
where people here are being led to believe that because their house is being
foreclosed that they were stupid, that they bought the wrong houses; they
overspent themselves.
"We know that austerity does not work in these
situations."
The fact of the matter is their bankers told them to
do this, and around the world, we've come to trust bankers - or we used to. In
the United States, we never believed that a banker would tell us to buy a
$500,000 house if in fact we could really only afford a $300,000 house. We
thought it was in the bank's interest not to foreclose. But that changed a few
years ago, and bankers told people who they knew could only afford a $300,000
house to buy a $500,000 house.
"Tighten your belt, in a few years that house
will be worth a million dollars; you'll make a lot of money" . . . in
fact, the value of the house went down; the market dropped out; the banks
foreclosed on these houses, repackaged them, and sold them again. Double
whammy. The people were told, "you were stupid; you were greedy; why did
you buy such an expensive house?" But in actuality, the bankers told them
to do this, and we've grown up to believe that we can trust our bankers. Something
very similar on a larger scale happened in so many countries around the world,
including Greece.
In Greece, the traditional major political parties
are, of course, overwhelmingly in favor of the harsh austerity measures that
have been imposed, but also we see that the major business and media interests
are also overwhelmingly in support. Does this surprise you in the slightest?
No, it doesn't surprise me and yet it's ridiculous
because austerity does not work. We've proven that time and time again, and
perhaps the greatest proof was the opposite, in the United States during the
Great Depression, when President Roosevelt initiated all these policies to put
people back to work, to pump money into the economy. That's what works. We know
that austerity does not work in these situations.
"What I didn't realize during any of this period
was how much corporatocracy does not want a united Europe."
We also have to understand that, in the United States
for example, over the past 40 years, the middle class has been on the decline
on a real dollar basis, while the economy has been increasing. In fact, that's
pretty much happened around the world. Globally, the middle class has been in
decline. Big business needs to recognize - it hasn't yet, but it needs to
recognize - that that serves nobody's long-term interest, that the middle class
is the market. And if the middle class continues to be in decline, whether it's
in Greece or the United States or globally, ultimately businesses will pay the
price; they won't have customers. Henry Ford once said: "I want to pay all
my workers enough money so they can go out and buy Ford cars." That's a
very good policy. That's wise. This austerity program moves in the opposite
direction and it's a foolish policy.
In your book, which was written in 2004, you expressed
hope that the euro would serve as a counterweight to American global hegemony,
to the hegemony of the US dollar. Did you ever expect that we would see in the
European Union what we are seeing today, with austerity that is not just in
Greece but also in Spain, Portugal, Ireland, Italy, and also several other
countries as well?
What I didn't realize during any of this period was
how much corporatocracy does not want a united Europe. We need to understand
this. They may be happy enough with the euro, with one currency - they are
happy to a certain degree by having it united enough that markets are open -
but they do not want standardized rules and regulations. Let's face it, big
corporations, the corporatocracy, take advantage of the fact that some
countries in Europe have much more lenient tax laws, some have much more lenient
environmental and social laws, and they can pit them against each other.
"[Rafael Correa] ... has to be aware that if you
stand up too strongly against the system, if the economic hit men are not
happy, if they don't get their way, then the jackals will come in and
assassinate you or overthrow you in a coup."
What would it be like for big corporations if they
didn't have their tax havens in places like Malta or other places? I think we
need to recognize that what the corporatocracy saw at first, the solid euro, a
European union seemed like a very good thing, but as it moved forward, they
could see that what was going to happen was that social and environmental laws
and regulations were going to be standardized. They didn't want that, so to a
certain degree what's been going on in Europe has been because the
corporatocracy wants Europe to fail, at least on a certain level.
You wrote about the examples of Ecuador and other
countries, which after the collapse of oil prices in the late '80s found
themselves with huge debts and this, of course, led to massive austerity
measures . . . sounds all very similar to what we are now seeing in Greece. How
did the people of Ecuador and other countries that found themselves in similar
situations eventually resist?
Ecuador elected a pretty remarkable president, Rafael
Correa, who has a PhD in economics from a United States university. He
understands the system, and he understood that Ecuador took on these debts back
when I was an economic hit man and the country was ruled by a military junta
that was under the control of the CIA and the US. That junta took on these huge
debts, put Ecuador in deep debt; the people didn't agree to that. When Rafael
Correa was democratically elected, he immediately said, "We're not paying
these debts; the people did not take on these debts; maybe the IMF should pay
the debts and maybe the junta, which of course was long gone - moved to Miami
or someplace - should pay the debts, maybe John Perkins and the other economic
hit men should pay the debts, but the people shouldn't."
And since then, he's been renegotiating and bringing
the debts way down and saying, "We might be willing to pay some of
them." That was a very smart move; it reflected similar things that had
been done at different times in places like Brazil and Argentina, and more
recently, following that model, Iceland, with great success. I have to say that
Correa has had some real setbacks since then . . . he, like so many presidents,
has to be aware that if you stand up too strongly against the system, if the
economic hit men are not happy, if they don't get their way, then the jackals
will come in and assassinate you or overthrow you in a coup. There was an
attempted coup against him; there was a successful coup in a country not too
far away from him, Honduras, because these presidents stood up.
We have to realize that these presidents are in very,
very vulnerable positions, and ultimately we the people have to stand up,
because leaders can only do a certain amount. Today, in many places, leaders
are not just vulnerable; it doesn't take a bullet to bring down a leader
anymore. A scandal - a sex scandal, a drug scandal - can bring down a leader.
We saw that happen to Bill Clinton, to Strauss-Kahn of the IMF; we've seen it
happen a number of times. These leaders are very aware that they are in very
vulnerable positions: If they stand up or go against the status quo too
strongly, they're going to be taken out, one way or another. They're aware of
that, and it behooves we the people to really stand up for our own rights.
You mentioned the recent example of Iceland . . .
other than the referendum that was held, what other measures did the country
adopt to get out of this spiral of austerity and to return to growth and to a
much more positive outlook for the country?
It's been investing money in programs that put people
back to work and it's also been putting on trial some of the bankers that
caused the problems, which has been a big uplift in terms of morale for the
people. So Iceland has launched some programs that say "No, we're not
going to go into austerity; we're not going to pay back these loans; we're
going to put the money into putting people back to work," and ultimately
that's what drives an economy, people working. If you've got high unemployment,
like you do in Greece today, extremely high unemployment, the country's always
going to be in trouble. You've got to bring down that unemployment, you've got
to hire people. It's so important to put people back to work. Your unemployment
is about 28 percent; it's staggering, and disposable income has dropped 40
percent and it's going to continue to drop if you have high unemployment. So,
the important thing for an economy is to get the employment up and get
disposable income back up, so that people will invest in their country and in
goods and services.
In closing, what message would you like to share with
the people of Greece, as they continue to experience and to live through the
very harsh results of the austerity policies that have been implemented in the
country for the past three years?
I want to draw upon Greece's history. You're a proud,
strong country, a country of warriors. The mythology of the warrior to some
degree comes out of Greece, and so does democracy! And to realize that the
marketplace is a democracy today, and how we spend our money is casting our
ballot. Most political democracies are corrupt, including that of the United
States. Democracy is not really working on a governmental basis because the
corporations are in charge. But it is working on a market basis. I would
encourage the people of Greece to stand up: Don't pay off those debts; have
your own referendums; refuse to pay them off; go to the streets and strike.
And so, I would encourage the Greek people to continue
to do this. Don't accept this criticism that it's your fault, you're to blame,
you've got to suffer austerity, austerity, austerity. That only works for the
rich people; it does not work for the average person or the middle class. Build
up that middle class; bring employment back; bring disposable income back to
the average citizen of Greece. Fight for that; make it happen; stand up for
your rights; respect your history as fighters and leaders in democracy, and
show the world!
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