The President of Russia answered
questions from Russian journalists following the BRICS Summit.
October 16, 2016
14:30
Goa
Vladimir Putin answered questions from
Russian journalists following the BRICS Summit.
Question: Much is being said
in the Western media about BRICS going through a rough patch.
Since Brazil got a new president, the country has been allegedly
thinking whether it needs BRICS. There is little secret about the tension
that exists between India and China. In fact, the US has been
increasingly proactive regarding India.
You have said on a number
of occasions that you view BRICS as an important and viable
association. How serious do you think are the challenges, if any, that
BRICS face? Will BRICS succeed in overcoming them and what are
the development prospects for BRICS in general?
President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Some
of our partners are always trying to dig up issues
and challenges, no matter what we do. But as we say in Russia,
why worry about a speck in your friend’s eye when you have a log
in your own.
There are always issues, anywhere
and in relations between any countries. Does this mean that countries
whose representatives talk about BRICS this way do not have any issues with
their closest strategic partners and allies? As a matter
of fact, they have plenty of issues.
If there were no problems, they would have
signed and ratified the Transatlantic Trade and Investment
Partnership (TTIP) a long time ago, and would have resolved many
other issues. However, the issues they face are still there, and they
are real. So there is nothing special about having problems. This is how things
work across the world.
Every country, and even more so major
powers, has its own interests that may run counter to those of its
closest allies. That said, what underpins the mutual interest
of BRICS countries? It is underpinned by the similarity
of their economies and the objectives that they face. This is so
obvious that you do not even have to be an expert to understand
this. All it takes is to look at their economic structure,
development patterns, growth rate and objectives.
You know, it is this objective interest
in maintaining contacts and promoting cooperation in various
areas that lies at the core of our association
and encourages optimism.
Furthermore, to be honest I am
pleased with this meeting, because for the first time I saw that
all parties involved were genuinely interested in developing relations
within this framework, which could pave the way to cooperation
in specific areas.
New areas of cooperation
and frameworks, for example, industrial cooperation, are being
developed on top of structures that already exist, such
as the New Development Bank and the BRICS Contingent
Reserve Arrangement with a total capital of $200 billion,
a substantial amount that will further increase in the future.
We are discussing introducing uniform
technical standards. These are fundamental initiatives that pave the way
to harmonising economic development and policies.
Yesterday night, my Brazilian colleague
and I had a lengthy conversation to review the state of our
respective economies. As it turns out, we have much in common. We
face common global challenges and it would be easier to overcome them
if we combine our efforts.
All in all, I have quite
a positive view of this association, and I think that BRICS
has every chance to develop further.
Question: US Vice President Joseph Biden
promised yesterday to send you a message and respond
to the hacking that the US blames on Russia…
Vladimir Putin: There is nothing surprising
about that.
Question: As a matter of fact,
it was a threat coming from a very high-ranking official, and if
I am not mistaken, it targeted you personally. Do you expect hacking
attacks on Russia or some other kinds of attacks?
Vladimir Putin: You can expect anything from
our US friends. But was there anything new in what he said? As if we
didn’t know that US government bodies snoop on and wiretap everyone?
Everyone knows this all too well, there has
long been no secret about it and there is sufficient evidence
to support this. Billions of dollars are channelled into this
activity, with the NSA and the CIA working on it alongside
other government bodies. There are both witness accounts and full-fledged
confessions.
In fact, they are spying not only
on their real or potential enemies, but also on their allies,
including the closest ones. We know about so many wiretapping scandals
involving top government officials from countries that are allies
of the United States, so there is absolutely nothing new here.
The only new thing is that
for the first time the US has acknowledged at such
a high level, first, that they actually do this, and second that they
are making some kind of a threat, which of course is
inconsistent with the norms of international dialogue. This is
obvious.
Apparently, they are a little bit
nervous. The question is why. I think there is a reason. You
know, in an election campaign, the current government carefully
crafts a pre-election strategy, and any government, especially when
seeking re-election, always has unresolved issues. They need to show,
to explain to the voters why they remained unresolved.
In the US, there are many such
problems, they certainly have enough of them. While it’s the leading
economy in the world, a great power, no doubt, it still has
a lot of unsolved problems. For example, the massive public
debt is a time bomb for the US economy
and for the global financial system. Nobody knows what
to do. Maybe devaluation in the future might help,
or something. But what? There’s no answer. This is just an example.
More examples can be cited in foreign
policy. The Middle East reconciliation process, broadly speaking, is
certainly stalling, including between Israel and Palestine, unfortunately.
Moreover, tensions are growing between the United States and their
regular allies in the region.
We are not going to go deep into this
business – it is their problem. I'm just saying that there are many
problems, and in these conditions, many choose to resort
to the usual tactics of distracting voters from their problems.
In my view, this is exactly what we
are witnessing. How do you do it? Try to create an enemy
and rally the nation against that enemy. Iran
and the Iranian nuclear threat did not work well for that.
Russia is a more interesting story. In my opinion, this card is
being played now.
I said recently at a VTB forum
that it is not wise to sacrifice Russian-American relations to solve
current internal political problems, because it is destroying international
relations in general.
By the way, I have not fully answered
your question. This part has to do with your second one – about who
is developing relationships, with whom and how. India, for example,
is making friends with the United States. Good for them!
The United States is a great power, and India is a great
power. Great powers have interests and they pursue these interests
in a multilateral format. It is impossible to imagine
the modern world any different.
The more intense, the more global
these processes are, the more stable the world is. I hope that,
once this debate is over, once this difficult period in the political
life of the States comes to an end, we will have
a chance to restore relations between Russia and the United
States.
Remark: So we shouldn’t see this
as a threat?
Vladimir Putin: I just said, anything
could happen. With this global surveillance, I assume they do have certain
information. That information can be easy to compile.
People can be fed a half-truth
or a quarter-truth, or even just a bit of truth
diluted in lies, and this information can be used to mislead
the public in one country or another. Russia is no exception, we
are often the target of these attacks. We already know that.
Question: Mr President, did you know you are
featured in the new episode of the cartoon
The Simpsons? You are boosting Trump in it. What is your actual
preference? You have been asked many times – Clinton or Trump?
And one more question: the US Vice
President said recently that we cannot influence the US election results.
Frankly, are we even trying to interfere? Do we even need to?
Vladimir Putin: What did he say, precisely?
We cannot fundamentally affect them. So the reporter needed to press
him: not fundamentally, or not at all? He seemed to be
acknowledging that we actually could play a role, but I would like
to reassure you all, including our American partners and friends: we
have no plans to influence the election campaign
in the United States.
The answer is very simple: we do not
know what will happen after the US President is elected. Ms Clinton chose
her aggressive rhetoric and aggressive stance with regard to Russia,
and Mr Trump, on the contrary, is calling for cooperation,
at least against terrorism.
We will certainly welcome anyone who wants
to work with us, and no, we are not interested in quarrelling
constantly with anyone, which only creates threats to oneself
and the world, or at the very least makes it harder
to achieve the desired results in the fight against
terrorism.
We do not know what will happen after
the election. We do not know whether or not presidential candidate
Trump will follow through on his intentions, how far he will go
in cooperation with us, whether Ms Clinton will stick to her harsh
anti-Russian rhetoric if she is elected President, or maybe she will also
adjust her position. We cannot know this now.
I will repeat this again: sacrificing
Russian-American relations for the sake of internal political
events in the US is harmful and counterproductive. This is not
the first time. Look at all the previous election
campaigns – it’s the same story again and again,
as I said.
And then they whisper in our ear:
“Just wait it out. This will pass, and things will go back
to normal.” You know, this is not even funny anymore. But if someone wants
a confrontation, it is not our choice. Confrontation means problems. We do
not want that. On the contrary, we would like to find common
ground and work together to address global challenges facing Russia
and the United States and the world.
Question: On Friday, a CSTO summit
took place in Yerevan, where Alexander Lukashenko said that
the organisation needs to formulate new priorities, to become
at least respected if not feared. Could you clarify what was discussed
exactly, what new priorities? Do you believe that other military organisations
do not even notice the CSTO? And, talking about priorities: is
the Nagorno-Karabakh situation a priority for the CSTO?
Vladimir Putin: I will start with what
you ended with. We have spoken about Nagorno-Karabakh and a definite
tension arising between other countries, former Soviet republics. Here is what
I think – and I told my colleagues about this –
you see, there are issues that arise between NATO member states,
for example, between Turkey and Greece on the Cyprus issue.
This is nothing new.
It is well known that these problems have
persisted for many years, decades even. But is NATO going to war with
one side then the other? And for us, it does not even matter
whether a country, a former Soviet republic, is part
of the CSTO or not. It matters that we have special, historical
relations with all these countries, and they are closer and deeper
than the relations between NATO member states. We cannot but take this
into account.
The CSTO was created to address
external threats. Certainly, we have to somehow respond to what is
happening next to us, but we must strive for all problems with roots
in the past to be solved peacefully, through compromises –
compromises that both parties are willing to accept. In this context
we have discussed the Nagorno-Karabakh issue and other problems.
In fact, what I just said is not so
different from Mr Lukashenko's stance. But it is better to ask him
to clarify what he was thinking and what he considers necessary
to do. He is a rather impressive speaker, and he will elaborate
on this himself.
Question: May I ask a question
about the domestic economy? With Rosneft acquiring Bashneft as part
of the privatisation programme, we are now privatising Rosneft.
The potential buyers are still unknown, but Rosneft said it planned
a share buyback, which is perfectly fine as corporate practices go,
but on the other hand, this would not be a real privatisation.
Do you agree with that?
Vladimir Putin: Yes, I do. I will
explain.
You are absolutely right, a buyback is
not our goal. The idea is not to get Rosneft to buy back its own
shares and call it a day. Even if that happens, it is only
an intermediate step to real privatisation, also with strategic
investors, maybe international ones, but under the control
of the state, because Rosneft is under state control,
and government representatives on the board can still control
it.
If Rosneft is able to sell its own
shares together with the Russian Government, if we do this, it will be
a natural step, this large-scale privatisation of a major
Russian state-owned company, without losing controlling interest.
But if the market is low, if we cannot
reach an agreement, then we do not exclude a buyback
as a preliminary step for further work toward privatisation. So
I would like to reassure you, as well as the experts
who are closely monitoring this: we are not going to build state
capitalism, as I’ve said many times.
We will follow the path of real
privatisation, but not in a falling market. And if we had to, we
would stick with those who understand that the market is falling but will
go up again, and are willing to become an investor with
a certain premium.
Or we will do a little time lag,
but still, the state budget will get the money one way
or another this year, that's the point.
I would say this is a fairly
cautious, even intricate plan that the Government has approved.
Question: Mr President, could I ask
a question about the cancellation of your visit to France.
French President Francois Hollande said he wanted to discuss
the situation in Syria with you, but you cancelled the trip. Why
did that happen?
Vladimir Putin: You may have misunderstood
the President of France. The main purpose, the main reason
for my planned trip to France was to attend
the opening of our religious and cultural centre and to visit
a Russian art exhibition.
In fact, the purpose
of the visit was just that – our joint attendance of these
international cultural events. However, the circumstances surrounding
the Syrian problem for some reason made France decide that part was now
impractical as a joint activity.
As for the second question, we
have not even negotiated it, as it happens. We have issues beside Syria,
so it would have been possible to discuss other issues. Also, France is
not as deeply involved in the Syrian peace process. At one
point the Charles de Gaulle aircraft carrier reached the shores
of Syria, and we agreed to work together to an extent,
but after a couple of days, the ship turned around and headed
for the Suez Canal. What was there to discuss, then?
True, we are always willing to negotiate
with everyone. Moreover, we are interested in more countries being
involved in this process, especially such a large and great
power like France with its capabilities.
But, again, this was not the main
purpose of my trip to Paris, and when the main reason
was cancelled, it simply made no sense to discuss the minor issues
on the agenda.
I would like to repeat, although
France is part of the Friends of Syria Group, it is not
as deeply involved in Syrian issues.
Question: Mr President, you mentioned
in your interview with the French media that the Americans
ignored our information regarding the Tsarnaev brothers. Is there any
interaction or dialogue between us?
Vladimir Putin: There is always
a dialogue. As regards this information… I have already
forgotten when this was; you probably remember better. This took place before
the tragic events at the Boston Marathon.
Several months prior, we had informed our
American partners. Russia's Federal Security Service did this
at my instruction by sending them an official written
notification, warning that these two people could pose a danger,
and we proposed working together on it. We never received
a response.
Sometime later, Mr Bortnikov [Head
of the Federal Security Service] approached me and said, ”They
haven’t responded.“ I told him to send another notification,
and he did so. As far as I remember, we received
a response after the second or the third time, saying:
”They are citizens of the United States, you should mind your own
business; we will figure it out on our own.“ And I said, ”Ok,
that's that.“
A month or two later,
a terrorist attack took place at the Boston Marathon. This is
more proof that the position of those who push for cooperation
in fighting terrorism is the right one. We have always held this
opinion.
But there are also examples of positive
cooperation. For example, during preparations for the Winter
Olympics in Sochi, US intelligence agencies established a good
working, relationship with us and helped us provide security. We
appreciated this.
Question: Mr President, we know that you also
talked with our partners from India and China yesterday. Can you tell us
about it? Did you pay special attention to certain issues? We know about
an important agreement signed with India for S-400 Triumf systems.
How big is the deal, and when are they due? Have you discussed any
other aspects of military technical cooperation?
Vladimir Putin: Indeed, India is one
of our priority partners, and a strategic partner. I should
not need to recall the time of the popular Hindi Rusi
bhai-bhai slogan (Indians and Russians are brothers). In fact,
little has changed since then, and our relations have grown stronger if
anything.
But military technical cooperation is not
the only area of interest to us. Unfortunately, we have not
fully taken advantage of our capabilities in the civilian
economy, and there is so much we could do there.
India is a huge market with 1.25 billion
people. Moreover, a significant portion of the Indian population
has fairly high living standards that match average European income levels.
That is a very big and lucrative market for our products.
We tried to find additional niches
for cooperation. The options were broad, for example, more
contact in space research, aviation, and mechanical engineering
in general. As for military technical cooperation, the quality
of that cooperation is quite high, maybe even better than with many other
countries: we do not just sell India high-tech modern weaponry, but we also
have joint research projects.
The S-400 Triumf contract is worth not
hundreds of millions, but billions of dollars.
We have also agreed to improve
the BrahMos missile, which will be land-, air- and sea-launched. We
will also work to increase its range. And we will work together
on a fifth-generation aircraft. It has basically made its maiden
flight, but there are some issues we need to work out. I am talking
about the T-50 fighter plane.
As I have said, our relations
in this area can be described by our willingness to help our
Indian friends acquire additional competences. You know that we have organised
the assembly and production of the latest T-90 combat tanks
and the Sukhoi Su-30 aircraft here.
Question: Considering the theme
of this BRICS summit, can you tell us whether you discussed Syria
in detail, bearing in mind the fact that an agreement
on the deployment of a Russian air force group in Syria
was ratified shortly before your trip here? Do the BRICS leaders have
a common stance on Syria?
Vladimir Putin: Yes, they share
a common stance in general and in other terms. All
of us agree on the need for a consistent fight against
terrorism. And all of us believe that there is no other solution
to the Syrian problem other than a diplomatic one.
In this context, I have informed
all of our colleagues and friends in this five-member group
about our view on the situation in Syria and,
in particular, around Aleppo.
Question: Mr President, a trip
to Berlin is being planned. As your aide said, it all depends
on whether those representing the conflicting parties will be able
to make any progress. What is your take on this? Do you intend to go?
You are asked quite frequently about resolving the conflict
in Ukraine, and you have to repeat time and again that,
to put it bluntly, the ball is in the court
of the Ukrainian authorities who are not doing what they are supposed
to. In your opinion, how could this change? This situation with no war,
but no peace either cannot last forever.
Vladimir Putin: I hope it will not last
forever, and I hope that all these problems will be resolved
as quickly as possible.
As for the trip
to Berlin, we have agreed with the President of France
and the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany,
by telephone, that it would be advisable to meet in Berlin only
if our aides, who I think met on Saturday and Sunday in Minsk,
took the dialogue to the point where we could meet to formalise
these arrangements. If the aides are unable to reach
an agreement, it would make the Normandy format meeting premature.
Regarding the question of whether
Ukraine is delivering on its commitments. I am aware that
my colleague Petro Poroshenko has published an article –
I think it appeared in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung –
in an attempt to once again shift the responsibility
to Russia and alluding to unsettled security issues.
I believe this is only a pretext for doing nothing
on the political track.
We need to work along several tracks
at the same time by resolving security issues while also
undertaking political initiatives for promoting a settlement
in general and in the long run. Otherwise it will be
impossible to bring about a resolution. How can people who live
in Donbass be sure that they will not be persecuted, detained
and imprisoned on charges of separatism or terrorism?
A lot of people could face
groundless accusations unless an amnesty law is enacted in advance.
But how can people be sure that their rights will be respected
and guaranteed, if not by having the Rada adopt a law
on the special status of the region and including it
in the Constitution?
Why does it need to be
in the Constitution? If this law is simply adopted
and implemented, tomorrow it could be declared unconstitutional. Everybody
understands this, so it needs to be introduced into the Constitution.
Everybody knows this, and they have spent 17 hours in Minsk
discussing it through the night. If it is not done, it means that
the current government is not ready to resolve the issues its
regions in the southeast face.
Question: Mr President, I would
like to discuss BRICS again.
You are wearing a navy-blue suit
in the “family” photo. Tell me, please, did they suggest this suit
to you, or was it your choice given the Indian tradition that
navy-blue symbolises power and the struggle against evil?
And one more question: Michel Temer was next to you. You said that
you spoke with the President of Brazil. Should we trust WikiLeaks
that reported in 2011 that Mr Temer had allegedly been recruited
as an informant by the United States? Please reassure us.
Vladimir Putin: Look, we started
by discussing the fact that the United States overhears
and eavesdrops on everyone. All of you are being watched
by these services. It’s not a joke, and I’ll tell you why. You
have certain information because you are members of the presidential
pool. You are used to hearing and seeing certain things,
and speaking with certain people.
You chat freely on the telephone,
on open communications systems; you broadcast everything you consider
essential, as well as all your thoughts or just conjecture. This
is of interest. So it is possible to open a file on each
of you, and it has probably been done. And they may monitor your
conversations. All this is systematised, consolidated and analysed. This
is what the US National Security Agency is doing.
Remark: And what about Russian
secret services?
Vladimir Putin: Russian secret services
operate strictly in line with the law. As we have learned from
former NSA officials, that agency even violates US law. We act only under court
rulings, and it turns out that they don’t do this. There is a big
difference between Russian and US secret services’ approaches.
I don’t know who has been recruited
and where, and I don’t care. You know, people
at a certain level are guided by the interests
of their own country, state and people. I cannot imagine, even
theoretically, that a different approach is possible. I simply cannot
even imagine it. We always work with representatives of a government,
and we try to build positive and trustful interstate relations.
Question: Mr President, what do you
think about the possibility of new sanctions over Syria? And one
more question. The Mosul offensive is underway, with artillery shelling
and also air raids by our allies who have been criticising Russia so
strongly. These actions appear to be similar. Why the double
standards?
Vladimir Putin: As for the sanctions,
you know our attitude to sanctions. They are counter-productive
and harmful. But the main thing is that they never attain
the goals set by those who impose them.
In general, regarding sanctions against
Russia, no matter whether introduced over developments in southeastern
Ukraine or in Syria, I can tell you that the goal
of those who formulate and advocate this policy is not to settle
a specific problem, for example, in southeastern Ukraine, but
to contain Russia.
Even without Ukraine, they would have found
some other pretext. They are simply dissatisfied with the fact that Russia
is becoming, and I would even say that it has become, a full
international player, has consolidated politically and has shown
a willingness to work with any partner. International issues require
concessions and compromises. But they do not want
to compromise – they want to dictate their will.
This is the style that our US partners
have developed over the past 15 or 20 years, and they appear
unable to change it. Do you see that there is no dialogue? They just tell
us what should be done and how. And then they invent methods
to make everyone around them accept their positions. Their formula is “He
that is not with us is against us.” This is their logic. But this is not
productive, which explains the increasing number of failures.
The goal of these sanctions is not
to settle a problem, but to contain the strengthening
of Russia as a full member of the international
community. This is their goal. But it cannot be achieved with these methods.
Now as concerns Mosul,
the similarity is obvious. When we are told that there are many
humanitarian issues around Aleppo we can, of course, refer to Mosul
and tell our partners that they should remember that this city has
hundreds of thousands of people too. This is a city with over 1
million people, and air strikes and shelling are very dangerous
in terms of potential civilian casualties.
We hope that our American and, in this
case, French partners will take selective action and do everything
to reduce or, better yet, rule out civilian victims. Of course, we
will not build up hype about this like our Western partners do because we
understand that we have to fight terrorists and there is no other way
besides continued fighting.
Question: To continue with Syria,
Russian Navy flagships, an aircraft carrier and the Moskva guided
missile cruiser are departing for the Mediterranean. Does this mean
that there will be an attack on terrorist strongholds?
Vladimir Putin: Do you really expect me
to say when and where something might start?
Question: Then another question
on the same issue. Russia’s diplomatic relations with the US
have been aggravated by the Syrian issue. Do you expect…
Vladimir Putin: Excuse me?
Question: Relations with the US
have been aggravated by the Syrian issue.
Vladimir Putin: Do you really think so?
Question: It appears to me they
have.
Vladimir Putin: You are mistaken. Think
about Yugoslavia. This is when it started. I was not even
the president yet. Was it me who turned the plane around over
the Atlantic? I think it was Primakov.
Question: Yes, Yevgeny Primakov.
Vladimir Putin: By the way,
Boris Yeltsin was also in favour and agreeable until he took
a very tough stance on Yugoslavia. Then everybody started bringing up
his drinking and other compromising behaviour. That is when it all
started.
You see, as I just said: they do
not like our growing independence, that’s the problem. Then it continued
with Iraq, which we did not initiate, by the way. I know this
very well because they tried to convince me to take up a stance
on Iraq that was eventually taken up by the German and French
leaders. After Saddam Hussein was hanged, everybody was happy. Remember what
they said? “You were against it but they came in and won.” Whether
or not they won is a question.
Just like Libya, Iraq was never a centre
of terrorism. But after all the government institutions were
destroyed, both countries turned into hotbeds of terrorism. Now we are
at a point where we have to storm Mosul with one million people
with aircraft, tanks and artillery. This is the outcome. How
to proceed with Libya is not clear at all.
The state ceased to exist. Now it
is a hotbed of terrorism, with a massive flow of refugees.
Are you sure our relations with the US deteriorated because of Syria?
No, not because of Syria but because of attempts by one country
to impose its decisions on the entire world.
We are not against this country, but we are
against unilateral and ill-considered decisions that disregard
the historical, cultural and religious specificities of any
country, even if there are conflicts and tensions there.
Question: So we cannot hope
for improvement or de-escalation until a new administration
takes over?
Vladimir Putin: I believe one
should always hope for the best. We maintain contact with
the current US administration. Mr Kerry has recently met with Mr Lavrov,
and, in general, we maintain contact with President Obama. The US
administration is continuing to work, although there is less than
a month left until election day. I believe the [US presidential]
election is in November?
They are continuing to work, and we
have to hand it to them, they are working intensively
and to the last day. As I said, we maintain contacts
in nearly all areas, and we will work with our US partners, but only
if they are willing to work with us.
Question: Mr President, your position
on sanctions is well known, and I share it completely. But what
about response…
Vladimir Putin: This is all you need
to say.
Remark: This is not what
the question is about…
Vladimir Putin: It is a pity; it
could have been a good ending.
Question: My question is about
response measures. It is clear that we have reciprocated.
In my occupation, I often meet with representatives of both
big and small businesses, those who export their products and those
who are working within BRICS.
All of them tell me that our response
measures only increase the burden of Western sanctions
on Russian business. Our Chinese and Indian partners look
at this situation and wonder whether they should start
an investment project with Russian companies in light of these
sanctions and counter-sanctions. This is not good for them. Since
these sanctions have been in place for several years, we could review
the situation and consider a change of policy. Maybe we
could ease our response measures or make them more selective?
Vladimir Putin: I will explain
my position. I have stated it, but now I will try
to explain it.
First, I do not agree when our response
measures are described as sanctions. They are not sanctions, but response
measures taken to protect our market. Look at what is happening,
and you will see that we had to take these measures.
For example, certain limitations have
been approved against us in the financial arena, so that our banks
cannot refinance their loans, whereas our market is completely open to our
partners. Overall, the situation that has developed since the early
1990s has prevented our farmers from holding even a small place on the Russian
market.
It is true that we used sanctions against
Russia to impose certain restrictions [against the West].
And look at what has happened: despite a falling GDP
and industrial production in 2015 and 2014, our agricultural output
grew by 3.6 percent a year.
We have very accurate figures now. Just
recently, we had to import 1.4 million tonnes of chicken meat. Now we
produce so much that we have to export it. We almost completely meet
the domestic demand. The situation is similar with pork. Not exactly the same, but we are getting closer.
Yes, we have some problems with
the vegetable market and even more with the fruit market, but we
knew this would happen. There has been a certain increase in domestic
prices, but this provided an opportunity for domestic producers –
with government support, of course. And they have this support. We
could debate whether there should be more or less support, but it exists
and it is significant for getting back on track and filling
the necessary niches in our own market.
Right now we are, for example, improving
our relations with Turkey and opening certain niches. When I was
in Turkey I noted that we opened the way for stone fruit
and citrus imports. Russia does not produce stone fruit or citrus
fruit. Then why would we hold them back? On the contrary, this would
create competition for other importers.
Now, as for the so-called
import replacement in industrial production. I will be honest with
you. I had big concerns and doubts. Therefore, we regularly meet with
defence and civil production representatives to discuss
the state of these areas and the outcome. This includes,
for example, our decision that major state-run companies must provide
for a certain part of the market for Russian small
and medium-sized enterprises.
So you see, it has a real effect. They
received funds to market their products, and high-tech products
account for a significant part here. The scope is growing,
to say nothing about import replacement in the defence industry.
It is unacceptable that in microelectronics we depend on spare parts
for the Strategic Missile Troops or other very sensitive
systems. This dependency is gradually fading, not only with regard
to Ukrainian suppliers, but other countries as well, including
European countries and the US.
One hundred percent – I would like
to stress this – of our helicopters used to be outfitted
with Ukrainian engines. Now this is over. We built one engine plant
and are now finishing another. It could be operating already. But it will
be a completely different production.
Import replacement is not limited
to transferring production of one engine to Russia. No, it means
production at a completely different technological level.
In this respect, it is certainly part of the country’s development.
It is the same situation, only
a more complex process, for the Navy, where we will soon see
the completion of work to develop new engines for our
vessels. This work will have synergy effect for civilian sectors too.
Regarding Ukraine, let me thank you for raising this question. As far
as the situation there goes, we see, sadly, that the country is
regressing and a de-industrialisation process is underway there.
But our Ukrainian partners have only
to say the word and we will be ready to involve Ukrainian
industry in the effort to meet our consumption demands. This
includes joint cooperation to modernise Ukraine’s defence enterprises
and civilian sectors. But this is possible only if, as I said,
the needed conditions are in place and our partners want this
themselves.
Finally, on the question
of how our BRICS partners have responded to our response measures
taken against the countries that imposed sanctions on us, I do
not see any concern on their part because we have not and have no
plans to set any restrictions on the goods they produce.
Furthermore, the restrictions that we
introduced for the countries that imposed sanctions against us give
our BRICS partners and other partners new opportunities
on the Russian market. They are making active use of these
opportunities too. I therefore see no problems and complications
here.
Question: Will Russia face new sanctions?
Vladimir Putin: What I want to say
here is that we made a conscious choice to introduce restrictions
on agricultural products. This was an asymmetrical measure. They
imposed sanctions on industrial goods, some kinds of what they
consider dual-purpose goods, and financial restrictions. We could not do
the same in response, it would have made no sense, and so we
took measures in a sector which would cause them problems.
As you can see, the losses are now
into the billions. These are not our estimates, but those of Western
European experts and representatives of the various sectors
in question, including in industry. We took action in areas
in which it was to our advantage to act.
We will not take any action purely
for the sake of punishing others and end up punishing
ourselves at the same time. We will not buy a ticket
and then not travel. This is not the road we will take. We have no plans
for now and have not looked at any countermeasures. We will need
to wait and see what our partners do and make our decisions
accordingly.
Thank you all for your attention.
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