A Free Syrian Army fighter watches U.S. President Barack Obama's speech
with his family in Ghouta, Damascus August 31, 2013. (photo: Mohamed
Abdullah/Reuters)
By John Dickerson, Slate Magazine
11 September 13
The
president spoke movingly of Syrian suffering, but didn't give Congress strong
arguments for convincing Americans why we must act.
resident Obama's address about his Syria policy felt
like the policy itself at times. He went ahead with it just because he promised
he would. The purpose of the East Room address was to rally the country and
members of Congress to support a military strike against Syria, but the
Congressional vote to do so has been postponed while a possible diplomatic
solution is pursued. So the president's speech was like delivering a locker
room speech after the rain delay had been called.
But in keeping with the apparent rule that every
aspect of this policy must have a contradiction, the president argued that the
threat of military force must remain credible to keep diplomacy alive. Assad
will give up chemical weapons only if he believes he'll receive Tomahawk
missiles if he doesn't. But the only way that can be done at present-since
Obama has made it clear he won't act without Congress-is with a Congressional
vote supporting military strikes. But that vote has been postponed-at the
president's request-while diplomacy is pursued. Because the president was
almost certain to lose such a vote, not having Congress weigh in was the best way
to keep the pressure on.
The gas went out of the speech the same way the gas
has gone out of the president's threat of force. Since Obama took the issue to
Congress, he has been losing support. And yet in another contradiction, he was
giving this speech from the greatest position of strength he's had in days. His
threat to strike Syria-which was becoming less credible as each news cycle
reported yet more opposition in Congress-was bearing limited fruit in the form
of a tentative deal for Syria to give up its chemical weapons. If the point of
the strikes was to degrade Assad's chemical weapons, what better way to do that
than have him give them up entirely?
Obama sounded the themes that have become thoroughly
familiar since he turned to Congress more than a week ago as a partner in this
endeavor. He reiterated that the mission would be limited, that the United
States cannot be the world's policeman, and that this mission would not be like
Iraq. He referred repeatedly to the letters from regular people who had
expressed their concerns to him. He identified with those who opposed action by
using their words. "We cannot resolve someone else's civil war through
force." But the president needed to do more than assert familiar lines and
identify with the audience. He needed to give members of Congress arguments to
present their highly skeptical constituents. He didn't. Presidential speeches
don't usually move votes, and this one affirmed that truth.
That's not to say that the president didn't sound
moving notes. He spoke of the victims and referred repeatedly to the children
who had been gassed, at one point referring to them "writhing in pain and
going still on a cold hospital floor." His request of the country was put
most succinctly with those victims in mind too: "When with modest effort
and risk we can stop children from being gassed to death and thereby make our
own children safer over the long run, I believe we should act." Obama, who
has been relentlessly criticized for not believing in American exceptionalism,
then went on to invoke it as an argument for action. "That's what makes
America different. That's what makes us exceptional. With humility, but with
resolve, let us never lose sight of that essential truth."
The emotionally charged rhetoric was a version of the
case the administration has been making for days in private to lawmakers. It
hasn't worked. Even those members who have visited the situation room and seen
the gruesome pictures and video and listened to the president and vice
president in one-on-one sessions have emerged unconvinced that military action
is necessary in response to the atrocity. The biggest hurdle is the unknown
consequences of action and the president can't really put those fears to bed.
The best new argument the president has for his Syria
policy is that the threat appears to be working. The outlines of the Syrian
offer to give up chemical weapons will become clear soon enough and we'll all
learn whether this pause was a bluff or a genuine breakthrough. If it's the
latter, then what looked like a confusing speech in the middle of a fishtailing
policy will mark the moment when Obama's hard line started to pay off. If it's
just a bluff, then the president will again need that Congressional vote, and
his remarks from tonight will be long in the distance.
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