Gen. Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, with
Secretary of State John Kerry testifying on Capitol Hill. (photo: Getty
Images)
A War the Pentagon Doesn't Want
6 September 13
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tapes tell the tale. Go back and look at images of our nation's most
senior soldier, Gen. Martin Dempsey, and his body language during
Tuesday's Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearings on Syria.
It's pretty obvious that Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, doesn't want this war. As Secretary of State John Kerry's
thundering voice and arm-waving redounded in rage against Bashar al-Assad's atrocities, Dempsey was largely (and respectfully) silent.
Dempsey's unspoken words reflect the opinions of most
serving military leaders. By no means do I profess to speak on behalf of
all of our men and women in uniform. But I can justifiably share the
sentiments of those inside the Pentagon and elsewhere who write the
plans and develop strategies for fighting our wars. After personal
exchanges with dozens of active and retired soldiers in recent days, I
feel confident that what follows represents the overwhelming opinion of
serving professionals who have been intimate witnesses to the unfolding
events that will lead the United States into its next war.
They are embarrassed to be associated with the
amateurism of the Obama administration's attempts to craft a plan that
makes strategic sense. None of the White House staff has any experience
in war or understands it. So far, at least, this path to war violates
every principle of war, including the element of surprise, achieving
mass and having a clearly defined and obtainable objective.
They are repelled by the hypocrisy of a media blitz
that warns against the return of Hitlerism but privately acknowledges
that the motive for risking American lives is our "responsibility to
protect" the world's innocents. Prospective U.S. action in Syria is not
about threats to American security. The U.S. military's civilian masters
privately are proud that they are motivated by guilt over slaughters in
Rwanda, Sudan and Kosovo and not by any systemic threat to our country.
They are outraged by the fact that what may happen is
an act of war and a willingness to risk American lives to make up for a
slip of the tongue about "red lines." These acts would be for
retribution and to restore the reputation of a president. Our serving
professionals make the point that killing more Syrians won't deter
Iranian resolve to confront us. The Iranians have already gotten the
message.
Our people lament our loneliness. Our senior soldiers
take pride in their past commitments to fight alongside allies and
within coalitions that shared our strategic goals. This war, however,
will be ours alone.
They are tired of wannabe soldiers who remain enamored
of the lure of bloodless machine warfare. "Look," one told me, "if you
want to end this decisively, send in the troops and let them defeat the
Syrian army. If the nation doesn't think Syria is worth serious
commitment, then leave them alone." But they also warn that Syria is not
Libya or Serbia. Perhaps the United States has become too used to
fighting third-rate armies. As the Israelis learned in 1973, the Syrians
are tough and mean-spirited killers with nothing to lose.
Our military members understand and take seriously
their oath to defend the constitutional authority of their civilian
masters. They understand that the United States is the only liberal
democracy that has never been ruled by its military. But today's
soldiers know war and resent civilian policymakers who want the military
to fight a war that neither they nor their loved ones will experience
firsthand.
Civilian control of the armed services doesn't mean
that civilians shouldn't listen to those who have seen war. Our most
respected soldier president, Dwight Eisenhower, possessed the gravitas
and courage to say no to war eight times during his presidency. He ended
the Korean War and refused to aid the French in Indochina; he said no
to his former wartime friends Britain and France when they demanded U.S.
participation in the capture of the Suez Canal. And he resisted liberal
democrats who wanted to aid the newly formed nation of South Vietnam.
We all know what happened after his successor ignored Eisenhower's
advice. My generation got to go to war.
Over the past few days, the opinions of officers
confiding in me have changed to some degree. Resignation seems to be
creeping into their sense of outrage. One officer told me: "To hell with
them. If this guy wants this war, then let him have it. Looks like no
one will get hurt anyway."
Soon the military will salute respectfully and loose
the hell of hundreds of cruise missiles in an effort that will,
inevitably, kill a few of those we wish to protect. They will do it with
all the professionalism and skill we expect from the world's most
proficient military. I wish Kerry would take a moment to look at the
images from this week's hearings before we go to war again.
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