Snowden's Worst Fear Has Not Been Realised,
Thankfully
By Glenn Greenwald, Guardian UK
15 June 13
In my first substantive discussion with Edward Snowden, which took place via encrypted online chat, he told
me he had only one fear. It was that the disclosures he was making, momentous though they were, would fail to trigger a
worldwide debate because the public had already been taught to accept that they
have no right to privacy in the digital age.
Snowden, at least in that regard, can rest easy. The
fallout from the Guardian's first week of revelations is intense and growing.
If "whistleblowing" is defined as exposing
secret government actions so as to inform the public about what they should
know, to prompt debate, and to enable reform, then Snowden's actions are the
classic case.
US polling data, by itself, demonstrates how
powerfully these revelations have resonated. Despite a sustained demonization campaign against him from official
Washington, a Time magazine poll found that 54% of Americans believe Snowden did
"a good thing", while only 30% disagreed. That approval rating is
higher than the one enjoyed by both Congress and President Obama.
While a majority nonetheless still believes he should
be prosecuted, a plurality of Americans aged 18 to 34, who Time says are
"showing far more support for Snowden's actions", do not. Other polls
on Snowden have similar results, including a Reuters finding that more Americans see him as a "patriot"
than a "traitor".
On the more important issue – the public's views of
the NSA surveillance programs – the findings are even more encouraging from the
perspective of reform. A Gallup poll last week found that more Americans
disapprove (53%) than approve (37%) of the two NSA spying programs revealed
last week by the Guardian.
As always with polling data, the results are far from
conclusive or uniform. But they all unmistakably reveal that there is broad
public discomfort with excessive government snooping and that the
Snowden-enabled revelations were met with anything but the apathy he feared.
But, most importantly of all, the stories thus far
published by the Guardian are already leading to concrete improvements in
accountability and transparency. The ACLU quickly filed a lawsuit in federal court challenging the legality, including
the constitutionality, of the NSA's collection of the phone records of all
Americans. The US government must therefore now defend the legality of its
previously secret surveillance program in open court.
These revelations have also had serious repercussions
in Congress. The NSA and other national security state officials have been
forced to appear several times already for harsh and hostile questioning before
various committees.
To placate growing anger over having been kept in the
dark and misled, the spying agency gave a private briefing to rank-and-file
members of Congress about programs of which they had previously been unaware.
Afterward, Democratic Rep Loretta Sanchez warned that the NSA programs revealed by the Guardian are just "the tip of the
iceberg". She added: "I think it's just broader than most people even
realize, and I think that's, in one way, what astounded most of us, too."
It is hardly surprising, then, that at least some
lawmakers are appreciative rather than scornful of these disclosures.
Democratic Sen Jon Tester was quite dismissive of the fear-mongering from national security state
officials, telling MSNBC that "I don't see how [what Snowden did]
compromises the security of this country whatsoever". He added that, despite
being a member of the Homeland Security Committee, "quite frankly, it
helps people like me become aware of a situation that I wasn't aware of
before".
These stories have also already led to proposed
legislative reforms. A group of bipartisan senators introduced a bill which, in their words, "would put an end to the 'secret law' governing
controversial government surveillance programs" and "would require
the Attorney General to declassify significant Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Court (FISC) opinions, allowing Americans to know how broad of a
legal authority the government is claiming to spy on Americans under the
Patriot Act and Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act".
The disclosures also portend serious difficulties for
the Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper, and NSA chief, Keith
Alexander. As the Guardian documented last week, those officials have made claims to Congress –
including that they do not collect data on millions of Americans and that they
are unable to document the number of Americans who are spied upon – that are
flatly contradicted by their own secret documents.
This led to one senator, Ron
Wyden, issuing a
harshly critical statement explaining that the Senate's oversight function
"cannot be done responsibly if senators aren't getting straight answers to
direct questions", and calling for "public hearings" to
"address the recent disclosures and the American people have the right to
expect straight answers from the intelligence leadership to the questions asked
by their representatives".
One
well-respected-in-Washington national security writer, Slate's centrist Fred
Kaplan, has
called for Clapper's firing. "It's hard," he wrote, "to have
meaningful oversight when an official in charge of the program lies so
blatantly in one of the rare open hearings on the subject."
The fallout is not confined
to the US. It is global. Reuters
this week reported that "German outrage over a US Internet spying program
has broken out ahead of a visit by Barack Obama, with ministers demanding the
president provide a full explanation when he lands in Berlin next week and one
official likening the tactics to those of the East German Stasi."
Indeed, Viviane Reding, the
EU's justice commissioner, has, in
the words of the New York Times, "demanded in unusually sharp terms
that the United States reveal what its intelligence is doing with personal
information of Europeans gathered under the Prism surveillance program revealed
last week". She is particularly insistent that EU citizens be given some
way to find out whether their communications were intercepted by the NSA.
In the wake of the
Guardian's articles, I heard from journalists and even government officials
from around the world interested in learning the extent of the NSA's secret
spying on the communications of their citizens. These stories have resonated
globally, and will continue to do so, because the NSA's spying apparatus is
designed to target the shared instruments used by human beings around the world
to communicate with one another.
The purpose of
whistleblowing is to expose secret and wrongful acts by those in power in order
to enable reform. A key purpose of journalism is to provide an adversarial
check on those who wield the greatest power by shining a light on what they do
in the dark, and informing the public about those acts. Both purposes have been
significantly advanced by the revelations thus far.
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