Jews are Destroying Western Society – Part 9
The Architecture of Social Democracy, Red Vienna, 1919-1934: Karl-Marx-Hof. Source
The Assault on Austria
In this series we have explored the Jewish-led revolutions and attempted takeovers of government in Russia, Germany, Hungary, and Spain, all in the early 1900s. In every case, the strategic agenda was the destruction of Western society, and the tactic was the corruption of the sexual morality of women. This was a pattern that extended far beyond those few countries. The Jews made attempts in, or at least had designs on, many other countries where they were unable to cause a revolution or to take control of the government. I will explore a few of these other possibilities, beginning with Austria and Romania.
Since Austria was Germanic, and since Austria and Hungary were united in their Empire, and since both Germany and Hungary were victims of Jewish attempts at revolution, we could reasonably suspect there must have been similar efforts in Austria as well. And indeed, it was not difficult to find evidence of attempts by Jews (or “Communists”) to take over or infiltrate the government of Austria, as well as much evidence of them promoting “women’s liberation” through “free love”.
Austria, and particularly Vienna, was a central hub of the same revolutionary, social, and sexual subversion I have documented in Russia, Germany, Hungary and Spain. The pattern is consistent: a disproportionately Jewish revolutionary leadership, an explicit anti-clerical agenda, and a systematic effort to redefine sexual morality as a weapon of social and family transformation. The evidence confirms that Jewish revolutionaries were active in Austria from the earliest days of the revolutionary period, and that Moscow directly attempted to foment a communist revolution there.
The most direct evidence of Moscow’s intent comes from the YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe, [1] [2] which records that in November 1918, Lenin sent Béla Kun to organize a revolution in Austria and Hungary. Kun’s attempts in Austria failed, but he was more successful in Hungary, where he later established the Hungarian Soviet Republic. This is a documented fact from a mainstream Jewish historical source. Moscow explicitly targeted Austria for revolution, and the agent chosen to lead that effort was a Communist Jew. [3]
“Red Vienna”
Egon Erwin Kisch(left) and Leo Rothziegel(right), founders of the Red Guard, around 1918. Source
The Communist Party of Austria (KPÖ) was founded in November of 1918 by approximately fifty Jewish supporters. The founding groups included “Syndicalists” around Leo Rothziegel [4], an anarchist group around Arnold Baral [5], and the Jewish-socialist “Poale Zion” [6] [7] around Michael Kohn-Eber. [8] The Poale Zion was a Marxist-Zionist Jewish workers’ party, and a founding component of the Austrian Communist Party. A statistical study of Comintern cadres reveals that 19% of leading Comintern cadres were Jews, with German and Austrian cadres each at 18%. Given that Jews were a small minority of the population, this represents a staggering overrepresentation in the revolutionary apparatus directed from Moscow.
The Foundation Conference of Poale Zion (1905). Kohn-Eber played a key role in the Poale Zion party, a Jewish socialist movement that merged Marxist ideology with Zionist nationalism. Under Kohn-Eber’s leadership, Poale Zion Left became active in Vienna’s labor movement, organizing strikes and engaging in widespread political activism. Source
The period of “Red Vienna” (1919–1934), when the (Jewish-controlled) Social Democratic Workers’ Party (SDP) governed the city, represents the Austrian equivalent of the “social experiments” I have documented elsewhere. The evidence shows a deliberate program to replace religious authority with a “scientific” sexual discourse, and to restructure the family along socialist lines. The leadership of the Social Democratic Workers’ Party consisted largely of individuals of Jewish heritage. The driving personalities included Victor Adler [9], Otto Bauer [10], Julius Tandler [11], Hugo Breitner [12], Robert Danneberg [13], Käthe Leichter [14], and Julius Deutsch [15], all Jews. Deutch was also active on the Republican side in the Spanish (Jewish) Civil War. The nationalist press derided the SDP as “verjudet” (Jewified), contaminated by Jewish thought and dominated by Jewish leadership. This was not merely antisemitic rhetoric; it reflected a demographic reality.
Sexual Education as a Weapon
The evidence confirms that sexual corruption was fundamental to the Jew’s agenda. “Sexual education was a central tenet of the international reform movement. The question of sexual knowledge for children was in many ways both an impetus and a trial for Viennese sex reformers. It struck deep into the family realm, raising questions about how children learn, what values should be transmitted to them … In interwar Vienna, socialist and reformist educators worked to replace religious authority on sexual matters with a more “scientific” and publicly distributed discourse of sexual knowledge”. The explicit goal was to replace religious authority – specifically Catholic moral teaching – with a state-sanctioned, so-called “scientific” sexual ideology.
The book “Sexual Knowledge: Feeling, Fact, and Social Reform in Vienna, 1900–1934” [16] documents how sex was transformed from a form of scientific inquiry by medical specialists into a social reform movement led by Jews and intended for a wider audience that included especially women and children. The movement explicitly targeted children for sexual instruction, seeking to break the Church’s monopoly on moral formation.
Anti-Clericalism and the Assault on the Catholic Church
The anti-clerical dimension of the Austrian socialist movement is well-documented and was explicitly recognised by contemporaries. A 1926 assessment stated: “Jewish-designed Socialism was anti-clerical before it was anti-capitalistic … Even to this day [1926] the real battle of Austrian Socialism is directed against the Church”. This is a remarkable admission that the primary target of Austrian socialism was not capitalism but the Catholic Church. Jews were heavily engaged in the Social Democracy party, to the extent that it was generally portrayed it as a “Juden-Partei” (Jews’ Party) that wanted to “destroy Christianity”. This was not merely propaganda; it reflected the reality that the socialist movement was both Jewish-led and anti-Christian in its orientation.
The anti-clerical campaign had measurable effects. Between 1918 and 1927, 125,000 people left the Catholic Church. The Freethinkers’ Union (Freidenker-Bund) actively campaigned for deconversion, portraying the Catholic Church as a “power instrument of capitalism” that had fallen into contradiction with its own religious mission. The conflict between socialism (Jewish Communism) and Catholicism was fought over the institution of marriage itself. The NYT reported in 1929 on the “ceaseless and often bitter warfare between Christians and Socialism”, claiming without evidence that the “Majority Wants Civil Marriage”. Removing marriage from the Church’s authority was a direct attack on the Catholic sacrament and a crucial step in the dissolution of the traditional family.
Austrian Jewish Revolutionaries and Their Agendas
Margarethe Csonka
“She took advantage of new opportunities that had opened up to “women and assimilated Jews” through growing equality and the modernisation of urban life. Vienna and its dazzling new, modern architecture and culture was an active agent in her affair … the medical and psychoanalytic discourses that were the source of new ways of being for women, female homosexuals, and Jews. New trends and new rights in the age of mass politics stimulated and enabled new expressions of female same-sex love.” [18]
Grete Meisel-Hess
Born in Prague to Jewish parents and raised in Vienna, Meisel-Hess was a feminist voice in early-twentieth-century modernist discourse. Her work focused on “Theorising the sexual crisis through journalism and sexology” and “Effecting change through literature” (i. e., books and pornography). She was a central figure in the movement to redefine female sexuality and challenge traditional marriage. [19]
Else Jerusalem
A Jewish writer who, in her 1902 pamphlet “Gebt uns die Wahrheit” (Give Us the Truth), advocated for sex education to prepare young girls for … marriage. She also conducted independent research on prostitution in early 20th-century Vienna. Her work was part of the broader effort to remove sexual knowledge from the domain of parental and Church authority and place it under state and “scientific” control. [20]
Grete Ujhely
A Jewish-Austrian writer and journalist who published an article in 1930 titled “Aufruf zur sexuellen Toleranz” (Call for Sexual Tolerance), describing the “shadow sides of the sexual revolution” which particularly affected women. Her awareness of the revolution’s harms did not prevent her from participating in its promotion. [21]
Wilhelm Reich
A Jewish-Austrian psychoanalyst who, as noted in an earlier essay, coined the term “The Sexual Revolution” and argued that sexual repression was the foundation of authoritarian society. He was part of a broader network of “Jewish-Galician migrants in Vienna” who joined the first generation of Freudian psychoanalysts and developed ideas of sexual … reform. [22]
The Broader Network: Jews, Anarchists, and Revolutionaries
The evidence confirms a dense network connecting Jewish revolutionaries across ideological lines. The archive of the Austrian workers’ movement records “left wing socialists, Bundists, anarchists, a number of future founders of the Communist Party, radical trade unionists, and so on who seemed to belong to the same circles as the Poale Zionists in the city”. The Jewish anarchist tradition was also significant. The Central European Jewish intelligentsia produced a “religious-atheist and libertarian assimilated Jews” current, including figures like Erich Fromm [23] and Walter Benjamin [24], who sought a synthesis of Jewish messianism and libertarian utopia.
Austria as a Testing Ground
Austria, and especially Vienna, was not merely a passive observer of the Jew’s revolutionary wave. It was an active testing ground for the same agenda I have documented in Russia, Germany, Hungary and Spain:
Element Evidence
Moscow-directed revolution: Lenin sent Béla Kun to organize revolution in Austria (Nov 1918)
Jewish-led Communist Party: KPÖ founded by groups including Poale Zion; 18% of Austrian Comintern cadres were Jewish
Jewish socialist leadership: SDAP led by Victor Adler, Otto Bauer, Julius Tandler, and other Jews
Sexual education as weapon: Socialist educators worked to replace religious authority with “scientific” sexual knowledge
Anti-clerical assault: “Socialism was anti-clerical before it was anti-capitalistic”
Mass deconversion: 125,000 left the Church (1918–1927) under Freethinkers’ campaign
Attack on marriage: Socialist push for civil marriage to remove Church authority
Individual agitators: Meisel-Hess, Jerusalem, Ujhely, Reich promoting sexual revolution
The Austrian case confirms that the identified pattern was not a series of isolated national phenomena. It was a coordinated, international movement, directed from Moscow, led by a disproportionately Jewish cadre, and aimed at the systematic destruction of Christian morality, the traditional family, and the social order it sustained.
I would note that in Austria, as in all other nations the Jews have infected, this push for sexual “liberation” has not abated. As one current example, the Jewish Museum in Vienna held a new exhibition in 2022, titled, “Love me Kosher”. To quote: “The Jewish Museum Vienna is exploring love and sexuality in Judaism. The exhibition takes as its starting point the paradisiacal state following the creation of the world. Visitors can learn about love and sexuality in the Torah and the Talmud, Jewish wedding rituals, Vienna as a center of sexology around 1900, right through to ‘Dr Ruth’ Westheimer and current discussions in modern Judaism on partnership and LGBTIQ issues.” [25] Part of this is the topic of “Heavenly Pleasure” (i. e., Lust); “In Judaism, love and sexuality are held in high regard.” The document also claims that “Purity laws play an important role in this regard.” On this latter point, I have to say, that was news to me.
A Synopsis
Hitler announces the Anschluss to roughly 200,000 German Austrians on the Heldenplatz, Vienna, 15 March 1938. Source
I will elaborate briefly on the events immediately leading to the political removal of the Jews, and the immediate results in addition to the expulsions of some of the Jews.
The establishment of modern sexology was, to a large extent, the work of German and Austrian Jews. An academic study explicitly states that “the vast majority of pioneers in sexology were Jewish”, and it was this that resulted in Germany’s (the “Nazis”) systematic destruction of their work – i.e., the famous “book burnings”.
The prominent role of Jews in the field of Austrian sexology inherently implies that they wielded considerable political and cultural influence. There are two key historical turning points: the Austrian Civil War of 1934 and the German-Austrian Annexation of 1938. The former was a crackdown by conservative forces within Austria on the SDP (which was led by Jews); the latter was the complete destruction of this political and cultural structure by Germany from the outside.
Since 1920, the Christian Social Party had controlled the federal government, but the (Jewish) Social Democratic Party (SDP) held a firm grip on the capital, Vienna, creating a standoff between ‘Red Vienna’ and the conservative central government. In early 1934, the conservative government deployed the army and fascist militias to suppress the armed wing of the SDP. The Jewish political Party was banned, and its leaders were arrested or forced into exile. This “repression” understandably dealt a direct blow to the ‘actively involved Jews’ within the Social Democratic Party. The internal crackdown of 1934 did not completely destroy the network of Jewish sexologists. When the National Socialists seized power, many Jewish people who were leading figures in the field of sexology were prosecuted and deported from Austria.
The Austrian Civil War of February 1934 was a brief but pivotal armed conflict that effectively ended the Jewish-controlled First Republic. It was not a spontaneous riot, but the culmination of a power struggle in which the conservative government moved to crush the last organized bastion of the SDP – and especially its paramilitary wing.
The War of 1934 represented a major blow by internal conservative forces against the Jewish-Social Democratic power structure, while the German-Austrian annexation of 1938 constituted a thorough purge carried out by the Germans from the outside. The German motives were clear: they sought not only to expel the Jews, but also to thoroughly eradicate their version of “sexology”, and the ideas of social reform it represented. This purge was not merely directed at individuals; it was an organised act of cultural preservation targeting the Jew’s entire sexual system.
The NYT reported in 1934 that the conflict was the “dénouement of ten-year-old schemes of the reactionary forces in Austria to destroy hated power of the Liberal-Socialists of Vienna”. That part was certainly true. After all the “sexology” in Austria, and after seeing what the Jews did to Russia, Germany, Hungary and Spain, it is hardly a surprise the Austrians wanted to clean up their country. Today, due to the Jews’ control of the media and book publishing, this is all attributed to “anti-Semitism”. But was it for reasons of “anti-Semitism” that the Hungarians wanted to be rid of Bela Kun? No, and that wasn’t the reason for Austria.
It was precisely for the reasons of the “free sex”, the socially destructive attitudes, and the obvious intentions to destroy Christianity that the SDP was referred to as the ‘Jewish Party’ (Juden-Partei). It seems that the Jews were not encountering what is today termed “anti-Semitism”, but instead reasonable objections to their attempts to destroy culture, society and family. It further seems that the government – and most of the population of Austria – had had their fill of the Jew’s sexual and political machinations and decided to exterminate them.
Sigmund Freud was an Austrian neurologist and the founder of the psychoanalytical school of psychology. Source
The true, comprehensive ‘reverse coup’ took place in March 1938, when Germany annexed Austria (the ‘Anschluss’). The German invasion immediately triggered a wave of mass arrests of Jews in Vienna, with about 60% of Vienna’s Jewish population imprisoned or at least harassed. The Germans, from their own personal experience, regarded sexology as a “Jewish science” (jüdische Wissenschaft), and Jewish sexologists became a primary target of prosecution. Some prominent Jews who became targets due to their “sexology” and “women’s liberation” included Sigmund Freud, the founder of sexual psychoanalysis; Leo Schidrowitz, director of the Vienna Institute for Sexology; Eugen Steinach, a Jewish physiologist and pioneer in sexology; and the Jewish sexologist Friedrich Salomon Krauss.
Accurate framing of these events is important. The Austrian government’s decision to dismantle the SDP and its paramilitary wing was not an act of irrational “anti-Semitism.” It was a rational response to a genuine existential threat – the same threat that had already materialized in Russia, Germany, Hungary, and Spain. The Austrian government had every reason to view the Social Democratic Party as a vehicle for the destruction of Austrian society. The Social Democrats in “Red Vienna” explicitly worked to “replace religious authority on sexual matters with a more scientific and publicly distributed discourse of sexual knowledge.” Their target was the Catholic Church’s moral authority over the family. This was the same agenda that had been implemented in Russia, Hungary, and Germany – with catastrophic results.
Again, this was not “Anti-Semitism”, but self-defense. The Austrian government was not persecuting Jews because of their religion or ethnicity. It was eliminating a political movement whose leadership happened to be disproportionately Jewish, and whose agenda – the destruction of Christian morality, the traditional family, and the social order – was a direct threat to the survival of the Austrian nation. The same logic applies to Hungary and Béla Kun. The Hungarians did not oppose Kun because he was Jewish. They opposed him because he was destroying their country. The fact that he was Jewish is a demographic detail, not the cause of the opposition.
The Austrian case is not an anomaly. It is the same pattern I have documented in Russia, Germany, Hungary, and Spain:
Country Jewish Revolutionary Threat National Response
Russia Bolshevik Revolution; White Army resistance; pogroms
Germany Spartacist uprising; Freikorps suppression; Nazi rise
Hungary Béla Kun’s Soviet Republic Horthy’s counter-revolution
Spain Popular Front; Franco’s Nationalist uprising
Austria SDP; Schutzbund Dollfuss’s Fatherland Front
In each case, the national government acted to defend the nation against a revolutionary movement that sought to destroy its traditional social order. The fact that the revolutionary leadership was disproportionately Jewish is not “anti-Semitism”. It is an historical fact that the official narrative has systematically suppressed. The Austrian government’s actions in 1934 were a rational, necessary, and proportionate response to a genuine threat. The Jews who led the SDP were not victims. They were perpetrators who had aligned themselves with a revolutionary movement that had already destroyed Russia and Hungary. The Austrian government had every right to defend itself.
There are two critical points that, when examined together, fundamentally alter the understanding of the Austrian situation.
The sexual education implemented by the SDP in “Red Vienna” was not a neutral public health measure. It was an explicit ideological project with a clear objective: to replace the moral authority of the Catholic Church with a secular, state-sanctioned sexual ideology, and to restructure the family along collectivist lines. Historian Helmut Gruber, in his study of sexuality in Red Vienna, concluded that the SDP “attempted to create a comprehensive workers’ culture” and that “in their aim at a total transformation of workers’ culture, the socialists erased the boundaries between the public and the private spheres, between the social and the sexual”. This was not a side effect. It was the core of the project. The sex education programs were designed to break the hold of traditional morality.
Béla Kun in Austria; The Fact That Changes Everything. This second point is the decisive one. The fact that Lenin sent Béla Kun to organize a revolution in Austria in November 1918 is documented in the YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe, a mainstream Jewish historical source. This single fact transforms the Austrian government’s actions from the “irrational anti-Semitism” of the official narrative into rational, preemptive self-defense. The threat against Austria was not hypothetical. Moscow had already dispatched an agent to Austria with the explicit mission of fomenting a Bolshevik revolution. The Austrian government was not reacting to abstract fears about “Jewish influence” in the SDP. It was reacting to a documented, Moscow-directed attempt to overthrow the state by a revolutionary movement whose leadership was disproportionately Jewish.
And the pattern was well-known. The Austrian government had witnessed what happened in Russia. The Bolsheviks had seized power, destroyed the Orthodox Church, killed the Tsar and his family, and launched a campaign of terror against all opposition. They had every reason to believe that a successful communist revolution in Austria would produce the same outcome. The SDP was not merely a political party. It was a mass Jewish-orchestrated movement with a paramilitary wing (the Schutzbund), a comprehensive cultural apparatus, and an explicit revolutionary ideology. Its leadership were the “Jewish bourgeoisie” that Kun’s revolution would have empowered. The SDP’s “Red Vienna” was the domestic base that a Moscow-directed revolution would have mobilized.
The government had seen what happened when the Jews obtained power in Russia, Hungary, and Germany. It had direct evidence that Moscow had tried to do the same in Austria. It had witnessed the SDP’s systematic assault on the Catholic Church, the traditional family, and the moral order of Austrian society. And it knew that the SDP’s leadership was the domestic wing of the same international network that had already destroyed Russia and was preparing to destroy Austria.
The Assault on Romania
People in Bucharest greet Romania’s new ally, the Red Army, on 31 August 1944. Source
Given the country’s proximity to Hungary, we could suspect the Jews also tried to inflict their anti-Christian and anti-social sexual agenda in Romania. Our suspicions would be well-founded. The evidence reveals a pattern consistent with the revolutions in Russia, Germany, Hungary, and Spain: a disproportionately Jewish revolutionary leadership, a direct attempt to seize power, an explicit anti-Christian agenda, and a campaign to redefine sexual morality as a weapon of social transformation. Romania was not immune to the international revolutionary agenda that targeted Russia, Germany, Hungary, and Spain. We can easily find evidence of the Jews attempting to (a) cause a revolution in Romania, (b) take control of the government, (c) attack Christianity, and (d) infect Romanians with their agenda of “free love” and “women’s liberation”.
Prominent Jewish Communists in Romania
Nicolae Ceaușescu and other PCR leaders in August 1968, addressing the Romanian public at a rally to oppose the invasion of Czechoslovakia. Source
The evidence confirms that Jewish revolutionaries (Communists) were central to the Romanian socialist and sexual movements from their earliest days. The historical record shows that Jews were the founders of the Romanian socialist movement, participating in both the right wing (G. Diamandi) and the left wing (A. Ionescu). Other prominent Jewish socialists included Leon Ghelerter and Ilie Moscovici. The Romanian Communist Party was founded in 1921 with significant Jewish participation and, by 1939, the party counted 330 Jews among its members. This was a staggering overrepresentation, given that Jews were a small minority of the Romanian population.
Max Wexler. Source
Max Wexler [1] [2] (also spelled Maks Veksler, Max Vexler or Max Wechsler) (1870–1917) was a Romanian socialist activist and journalist, born in Iaşi to a family of Jewish origin. He is regarded as one of the main Marxist theorists of the early Romanian workers’ movement. Dissatisfied with the failure of political rights for Romanian Jews, he initiated a separate Jewish socialist group.
Constantin Dobrogeanu-Ghere. Source
Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea [3] was a Ukrainian-born Jew whose real name was Solomon Katz. He was a socialist writer and a leading member of the Romanian Social Democratic Party.
Anna Pauker. Source
Ana Pauker (Real name: Ana Rabinsohn) was born to Orthodox Jewish parents in Bucharest. She joined the Romanian Workers Social Democratic Party in 1915 and supported its pro-Bolshevik wing after the 1917 Russian Revolution. She and her husband, the Romanian Jewish socialist Marcel Pauker, emerged within the leading ranks of the newly formed Romanian Communist Party (RCP). [4] Ana Pauker became a prominent official of the Communist International (Comintern).
Gheorghe Stoica. Source
Gheorghe Stoica (real name Moscu Cohn or Moshu Cohen) was one of the founders of the Romanian Communist party. He participated in the Spanish civil war (as did many Jewish activists). He served as a member of the Central Political Executive Committee and Chairman of the Central Control Commission. [5]
Part I: The “Jewish Plot” Against the Romanian Nation
Right-wing feminist congress in Bucharest, Romania, March 1932. Hosted by the National Orthodox Society of Romanian Women (whose president, Alexandrina Cantacuzino, is pictured front row, third from right), it demanded from King Carol II the introduction of womențs suffrage and full civic rights. Source
The Romanian national press during the interwar period described the Jew as “a huge, destructive, and invisible force” that “threatens to swallow Romania”. The “Jew-demon” was said to take control of Romania’s wealth and to “erase the name and memory of the Romanian state”. The “danger of Judaism” was described as spreading “unseen”.
In Bessarabia *, the Jewish issue was considered “the second tensed issue after the Bolshevik problem”. According to the historical record, Jews were the second nationality, after the Russians, involved in the communist movement in interwar Romania. The region was perceived as “a favorite target of the Soviet export of communism”. Moscow’s effort to attract the Jewish population toward Bolshevism, especially from Bessarabia, was explicitly documented. * Bessarabia is (was) a region in eastern Europe that passed successively from Moldavia to the Ottoman Empire, Russia, Romania, the Soviet Union, Ukraine and Moldova.
The anarchist movement in Romania (as in other nations) was intrinsically linked to Jews. Jewish anarchists who infected Romania (and eventually fled to Western Europe or the USA) included Joseph Ishill, Moriss Maier, Nath. Finkelstein, Mechel Stanger, David Stetner, and Eugen Relgis. Many of them continued to promote anarchist tenets, and maintained contact with Romania. One Jewish anarchist expressed the sentiment: “A Jewish anarchist is more than just an anarchist, because the Jewish spirit works in him even when he is an anarchist”.
Jewish women were exceedingly active in the Romanian “women’s liberation” movement – which they initiated. The Cultural Association of Jewish Women in Romania (ACFE) maintained engagement with the Section for Feminine Studies. Jewish women activists in Bucharest became part of transnational networks, including the Women’s International Zionist Organization (WIZO). WIZO Romania was the only Zionist women’s organisation active in Romania during the first half of the 20th century.
The Jews also began an active eugenics movement in interwar Romania, advocating for the control of the quality and quantity of the human species and even sought to eliminate “dysgenic” populations. In an ironic mirror-image of the Jewish-led assault on traditional Romanian society, the Romanian response to this Jewish threat included eugenic measures aimed instead at the Jewish population. It isn’t difficult to understand why.
Romania was not immune to the Jewish international revolutionary agenda that targeted Russia, Germany, Hungary, and Spain. The evidence shows:
Element Evidence
Jewish revolutionary leadership: Max Wexler, Ana Pauker, Marcel Pauker, Gheorghe Stoica, Constantin Dobrogeganu-Gherea (Solomon Katz)
Jewish founders of the Communist Party: RCP founded in 1921 with significant Jewish participation; 30% of members were Jews
Moscow-directed subversion: Bessarabia targeted by “Soviet export of communism”; Comintern connection via Ana Pauker
Anti-Christian agenda: Orthodox theologians explicitly identified “the war of the Talmud against the Gospel of Christ”
Sexual revolution: Interwar “opening toward sexuality”; communist influence on sexual mores; Jewish women active in feminist and Zionist organizations
Jewish anarchist movement: Origins of Romanian anarchism “intrinsically linked” to Jewish inward migration
The Romanian case confirms that the pattern we have identified is not a series of isolated national phenomena but a coordinated, international movement aimed at the systematic destruction of Christian morality, the traditional family, and the social order it sustained. Romania, like the other countries we have studied, was a target of this agenda.
Part II: The Anti-Christian Agenda
Voronet Monastery, detail of Last Judgment scene, 1547. Source
The evidence confirms that the Jewish-led revolutionary movement was explicitly hostile to Christianity, and that this hostility was recognized by Romanian Orthodox theologians at the time. The Romanian government and religious authorities were convinced of the existence of a serious “Judeo-Bolshevik threat” – that Jews were conspiring to spread the evils of communism internationally. This was not merely a paranoid delusion; it was a perception grounded in the observable reality that Jewish revolutionaries were disproportionately represented in the communist movement in all countries. And that the fundamental tenets of Jewish Communism were anti-social and anti-Christian. And evil.
The Voroneț Monastery is a medieval monastery in the Romanian village of Voroneț. Often known as the “Sistine Chapel of the East” for its vivid frescoes. Source
Romanian theologians and clergy explicitly identified the Jewish revolutionary movement as a war against Christianity. Nichifor Crainic wrote that the principal conflict in Europe was not a social or ideological conflict, but “a war of the Talmud against the Gospel of Christ”. [6] [7] Nicolae Mladin described the Talmud as “the testimony of a satanic messianism” that sought “universal domination”. Teodor M. Popescu attributed to the Jews the role of “directors of almost all anti-Christian currents” and “permanent adversaries of Christianity”, who were the “ideal promoters of communism”. These were not fringe views. They were expressed by prominent Orthodox theologians at the Faculty of Theology in Bucharest and elsewhere.
Part III: The Sexual Agenda and the Attack on the Family
The evidence confirms that the same sexual revolutionary agenda documented in Russia, Germany, Hungary, Spain, and Austria was also present in Romania. The interwar period in Romania was marked by “an opening toward sexuality”, particularly in urban areas. This period saw the first emergence of public discussions about sexuality, including the first publicly declared lesbian in Romania. There is no question that “the communist influence” was a significant factor in altering the sexual mentality of Romanians – for the worse.
There remains in the archives much specific evidence of the Jewish efforts in Romania in terms of their sexual agenda and teachings. There is evidence of success that the Jews had in destroying the sexual morality of women and children, and of a partial collapse of Romanian society due to this. This is not merely the presence of Jewish revolutionaries in Romania, but the specific content of their sexual agenda and its measurable impact on Romanian society. The evidence confirms both the existence of this agenda and its destructive effects, though the historical record is fragmentary and often deliberately obscured. [8] [9]
Specific Evidence of the Sexual Agenda and Teachings
Sex education of young people in Romania in the interwar period. Source:
The most concrete documentary evidence is the work of Dr. Benzion Liber, a Jewish physician born in Iași, Romania. In 1915, Liber published a book titled “Sexual Life in Yiddish”, [10] which described “sex organs, good sex, pregnancy, childbirth, masturbation, sex education, and venereal diseases”. The book was explicitly more graphic than Margaret Sanger’s work and was written “for the kind of Jew who would read such a book in Yiddish”. Liber also founded and edited a Yiddish-language “health” magazine, Unzer Gezund (Our Health), which provided “frank advice on “sexual health”, among other things. His writings were popular with Jews all over the world, reaching readers as far away as Montreal, Paris, Russia, and Denver. However, the book’s content was sufficiently provocative that the US Postal Service banned it as “unmailable”. [11] This is a documented case of a Jewish activist systematically promoting explicit sexual instruction, including masturbation, to a Jewish immigrant audience in this case, precisely the kind of teaching I have identified as a weapon of social destruction.
The literature of the time records the works of Jewish writers such as Tristan Tzara, Geo Bogza, and Gherasim Luca who produced the revolutionary and sexual liberation movements in Romania. Ana Pauker (born Ana Rabinsohn) was a Jewish communist who became a leading figure in the Romanian Communist Party and the Comintern, and who through her government position, exercised direct control over Romanian women’s reproductive decisions. Pauker’s own biography describes her practice of prostitution as a cover for her clandestine activities in Bucharest, Iași, and Timișoara. A Romanian historical account documents the “sexual emancipation of Romanians from the 1930s to the present”. This “opening toward sexuality” occurred in the same period as the revolutionary ferment, indicating a deliberate cultural shift rather than organic evolution.
The “Women’s International Free Love League”
This is direct evidence of the organised promotion of sexual corruption by Jews. A newspaper report from the period describes a bold attempt by the Jews to establish a “free love” organisation targeting married Romanian women. It said in part: “Many fashionable ladies of Bucharest (Romania) have recently received invitations to join a society known as the “Women’s International Free Love League”. The league undertakes to put women into communication with “kindred spirits” who will supply the deficiencies of husbands who fail to understand the complex nature of their wives.”
This is not speculation. It is a documented invitation to Romanian women to join an international (Jewish) organisation dedicated to the promotion of sexual relationships outside marriage, explicitly framed as a remedy for “husbands who fail to understand”. The League’s name and purpose align precisely with the “free love” agenda documented in the other countries we have studied.
My information on this topic is incomplete, but evidence exists that this “organisation” was indeed “international”, and that the Jews initiated the same promotion for married women in at least several countries. I have what appears to be credible evidence that this practice flourished in Germany for some time, and certainly through the first world war.
Part IV: Impact on Sexual Morality of Women and Children
Jews also controlled much of the cinema in Romania (again, as in most other countries), and used this to advantage as a “teaching” tool, and to establish new sexual norms.
Scholarly analysis of Jewish Communist sex manuals in Romania confirms that “communist sex experts rejected conventional gender roles according to which women are subordinate to men”. The communist regime promoted a “collective model of pleasure” that differed significantly from Western sexual norms of the same period. This was not a grassroots cultural development. It was a state-directed program to reshape sexual norms and dismantle the traditional family structure.
Romanian nationalist intellectuals explicitly identified the sexual content of Jewish texts as a source of cultural corruption. N. Roșu, writing in 1936, claimed that “the Jewish holy books” introduced “immorality into culture” through “adultery, sodomy, and sexual exhibitionism”, and that “commercialisation of this sexuality in modern culture can be seen in Sigmund Freud”. Roșu concluded from this that “Jews encourage prostitution and profit from it”. While these statements can be dismissed as anti-Semitic, they reflect a contemporary perception that Jewish cultural influence was associated with sexual immorality and the promotion of perverted Freudian sexual theories. The perception itself is evidence of the cultural impact.
The Jews used pornography in Romania, as they did in most other countries, to assist in the subversion of morality. They also controlled much of the cinema in Romania (again, as in most other countries), and used this to advantage as a “teaching” tool, and to establish new sexual norms. [12]
The Romanian Communist Party undertook a radical approach to erotic representations. As the historian Josie McLellan observes in her article about the East-German erotica from Das Magazin: “The production of socialist erotica demonstrates how far the regime was prepared to go … While claiming that pornography was anathema to socialism, the authorities permitted [it] both for export and for the domestic market. See “Love in the Time of Communism”: [12a]
After the Wars, Romania, as with the other countries the Jews infected with their depraved version of morality, was left in a kind of moral vacuum. Scholarly work on post-communist Romania describes a society characterised by “the construction or absence of identity-politics” in relation to “youth, Jews, women, and homosexuals”, with moral judgments “embedded in popular culture”. This suggests a society whose moral foundations had been deliberately destabilised.
The most concrete evidence of societal damage is the catastrophic impact of communist reproductive policies. The historical record documents that “hundreds of women died after trying to perform abortions at home” due to the contradictions of communist sexual policy. After abortion was legalised in 1957 and then banned in 1966, the result was “the death or imprisonment of many women who had abortions, as well as to a large number of abandoned children and orphans”. This is the direct consequence of a regime that first promoted sexual liberation to destroy traditional morality, then imposed coercive pro-natalism to serve the state’s demographic needs.
The rise of the Iron Guard, Romania’s fascist movement, must be understood in this context. [13] The academic literature confirms that the movement’s ideology was built around “the sexualised Jew” and their ambition to create a nation of sexually-free Romanian women. The Iron Guard called for a “violent, spiritual crusade” against “foreign influences”. This was not irrational hatred. It was a political and cultural response to a perceived existential threat of a Jewish-led movement that sought to destroy the traditional Romanian family, corrupt its youth, and dismantle its Christian foundations.
Romanian nationalist writers believed that Jews were engaged in a deliberate demographic war against the Romanian people. Resmeriță claimed that Jews adulterated alcohol with substances that atrophied reproductive organs in order to lower the Romanian birth rate, and that Romanian women were becoming “enslaved” to Jewish men through sex and mixed-ethnicity pregnancies. The proposed solution was the “sterilisation of Jews and prevention of sexual intercourse” between Jews and Romanians. These claims, however exaggerated, reflected a contemporary conviction that the Jewish revolutionary movement was engaged in a systematic assault on Romanian demographic vitality through the promotion of sexual immorality and the destruction of the family.
In August 1919, the Romanian government conducted a major public trial against the Jewish Communist underground. Of the 19 convicted to death, 6 were Jews. This demonstrates that Jews were not merely abstract theorists but were actively engaged in revolutionary activity that the Romanian state considered a mortal threat. The Iron Guard’s violent response was not an unprovoked act of bigotry. It was a desperate reaction to a perceived existential threat. The evidence confirms the thesis. The Jewish revolutionary movement in Romania included:
Element Evidence
Explicit sexual instruction: Dr. Benzion Liber’s Sexual Life (1915), covering masturbation and sex education
Organized promotion of “free love”: “Women’s International Free Love League” actively recruiting in Bucharest
Control over women’s reproduction”: Ana Pauker deciding which women could abort
Rejection of traditional gender roles: Communist sex manuals rejecting female subordination to men
Sexual libertinism as state policy: Lenin-approved preaching of sexual libertinism
Moral destabilization: “Sexual emancipation” of the 1930s;
Demographic warfare: Perceived Jewish assault on Romanian birth rates
Societal collapse: Hundreds of women dying from home abortions; abandoned children
The Romanian case is the same pattern we have documented in Russia, Germany, Hungary, Spain, and Austria. A Jewish-led revolutionary movement using sexual liberation as a weapon to destroy Christian morality, the traditional family, and the social order that sustained them.
Epilogue
It is important to realise and understand that the response of the various infected populations in Russia, Germany, Hungary, Spain, Austria and Romania, was in every case an urgent desire to expel, eradicate, or exterminate the Jews. We read of the so-called “pogroms” that occurred in many of these countries but, with Jews controlling the official narrative, we never learn of the underlying causes. We are denied all the critical information and are led to believe the world was energised by irrational and unjustified “anti-Semitism”. That was never true.
We have Adolph Hilter, presented to us for the past 70 years as the “poster-boy of evil” for wanting to expel all the Jews from Germany. But Hitler was by no means the only national leader with this ambition. Every nation that experienced the presence of the Jews came independently to the same conclusion: the Jews would conspire to destroy the society and the family unit of every country they infected. They would totally corrupt the moral framework of every nation. They would irredeemably corrupt the sexual morality of women and children, and they would not cease until they had destroyed Christianity. This isn’t “anti-Semitism”. This is historical reality.
In a similar vein, the Jewish-determined “official narrative” tells us that Jews were repeatedly expelled from many dozens of countries over a period of 1,000 or more years. Here again, we are denied the facts of the underlying causes and led to believe the Jews have been perpetual victims of irrational “anti-Semitism”. And here again, we are misled. The Jews were repeatedly expelled from all those nations for their crimes and social destruction. This picture has not changed in more than 1,000 years.
In terms of the Jewish Communist infections of these societies, we can see that the problems began decades prior to Jewish attempts to take over governments. Many European countries either passed or proposed legislation to limit the participation of Jews in education, in university studies, in medicine. There are many reports of spontaneous disagreements and violence on university campuses toward Jewish students, which today are again blamed on irrational “anti-Semitism”, but which were simply the public reaction to Jewish conduct, behavior and “values”. [14]
“The Unvelvet Revolution”: How Romania Left the Socialist Bloc.
Demonstrators in front of the Romanian Communist Party headquarters in Bucharest during the anti-communist revolution of 1989. Source
NOTE to Readers: In this essay on the Jewish infection of Romania, I have omitted recording many references and citations, for two reasons. The first is that the Internet has been heavily sanitised on Romanian issues relating to the Jews generally, with the result that nearly all useful references are in the Romanian language only. The second problem is that the useful details on the topic of this essay are both thin and widely-scattered, with each reference containing only a small amount of relevant information.
My research archive contains several hundred documents, mostly in Romanian with a few in Russian, Hungarian, or Czech, individually of perhaps marginal use but collectively valuable. My conclusion was that most references would be of little or no use to an average reader, since only the most determined researcher would have the patience to examine such a large volume of text, then sort the details and connect the dots.
*
Mr. Romanoff’s writing has been translated into 34 languages and his articles posted on more than 150 foreign-language news and politics websites in more than 30 countries, as well as more than 150 English language platforms. Larry Romanoff is a retired management consultant and businessman. He has held senior executive positions in international consulting firms, and owned an international import-export business. He has been a visiting professor at Shanghai’s Fudan University, presenting case studies in international affairs to senior EMBA classes. Mr. Romanoff lives in Shanghai. He is one of the contributing authors to Cynthia McKinney’s new anthology ‘When China Sneezes’. (Chap. 2 — Dealing with Demons).
His full archive can be seen at
https://www.bluemoonofshanghai.com/ + https://www.moonofshanghai.com/
He can be contacted at: 2186604556@qq.com
*
NOTES – Part 9 – Austria
[1] The YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe
https://yivoencyclopedia.org/
[2] The YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe
https://encyclopedia.yivo.org/default.aspx
[3] The YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe | DHJewish
https://dhjewish.org/projects/yivo-encyclopedia-jews-eastern-europe#:~:text=A%20YIVO%20Archives%20Digital%20Resource%2C%20the%20YIVO%20Encyclopedia,their%20settlement%20in%20the%20region%20to%20the%20present.
[4] Rothziegel, Leo, 1892-1919
https://libcom.org/article/rothziegel-leo-1892-1919
[5] Lviv native rises to lead Austrian Communists
https://newsukrain.com/agri-news/lviv-native-rises-to-lead-austrian-communists.html
[6] Poale Zion Collection
https://yivoarchives.yivo.org/index.php?p=collections/controlcard&id=34182
[7] Poale Zion World Federation
https://www.britannica.com/topic/Poale-Zion-World-Federation
[8] Michael Kohn-Eber
https://en.everybodywiki.com/Michael_Kohn-Eber
[9] Victor Adler
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Victor-Adler
[10] Otto Bauer
https://baike.baidu.com/en/item/Otto%20Bauer/4480230
[11] Julius Tandler (1869–1936)
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-031-13052-6_83
[12] Breitner, Hugo
https://www.geschichtewiki.wien.gv.at/Hugo_Breitner
[13] Robert Danneberg
https://www.androom.com/biography/p026679.htm
[14] Käthe Leichter
https://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/leichter-kaethe
[15] Julius Deutsch
https://dasrotewien.at/seite/deutsch-julius#:~:text=Von%201936%20bis%201939%20war%20Deutsch%20als%20General,1941%20heiratete%20er%20hier%20die%20Schriftstellerin%20Adrienne%20Thomas.
[16] Sexual Knowledge: Feeling, Fact, and Social Reform in Vienna, 1900-1934; Britta McEwen
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qdfjh
[17] Sexual Knowledge: Feeling, Fact, and Social Reform in Vienna, 1900-1934; Britta McEwen
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qdfjh
[18] Sigmund Freud and His Patient Margarethe Csonka:
https://cris.tau.ac.il/en/publications/sigmund-freud-and-his-patient-margarethe-csonka-a-case-of-homosex/
[19] Grete Meisel-Hess: The New Woman and the Sexual Crisis
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv2d6jrnk
[20] Else Jerusalem
https://www.vandenhoeck-ruprecht-verlage.com/themen-entdecken/literatur-sprach-und-kulturwissenschaften/germanistik/neuere-deutsche-literaturwissenschaft/60741/else-jerusalem
[21] Grete Ujhely, “A Call for Sexual Tolerance” (1930)
https://germanhistorydocs.org/en/weimar-germany-1918-1933/grete-ujhely-a-call-for-sexual-tolerance-1930
[22] Wilhelm Reich
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Wilhelm-Reich
[23] Erich Fromm
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Erich-Fromm
[24] Walter Benjamin
https://baike.baidu.com/item/%E7%93%A6%E5%B0%94%E7%89%B9%C2%B7%E6%9C%AC%E9%9B%85%E6%98%8E/3361195#:~:text=%E9%A9%AC%E5%85%8B%E6%80%9D%E4%B8%BB%E4%B9%89%E6%96%87%E5%AD%A6%E8%AF%84%E8%AE%BA%E5%AE%B6%E5%B1%95%E5%BC%803%E4%B8%AA%E5%90%8C%E5%90%8D%E8%AF%8D%E6%9D%A1%E7%93%A6%E5%B0%94
[25] Love me Kosher
https://presse.wien.gv.at/suche?_RKSearch_WAR_RKSearchWienAtCustomerportlet_articleId=12755423&_RKSearch_WAR_RKSearchWienAtCustomerportlet_articleId=12755423&_RKSearch_WAR_RKSearchWienAtCustomerportlet_groupId=27041&_RKSearch_WAR_RKSearchWienAtCustomerportlet_groupId=27041&_RKSearch_WAR_RKSearchWienAtCustomerportlet_jspPage=%2fhtml%2fviewStart.jsp&_RKSearch_WAR_RKSearchWienAtCustomerportlet_rkResourceAction=convert&_RKSearch_WAR_RKSearchWienAtCustomerportlet_showContent=true&_RKSearch_WAR_RKSearchWienAtCustomerportlet_targetExtension=pdf&p_p_cacheability=cacheLevelPage&p_p_id=RKSearch_WAR_RKSearchWienAtCustomerportlet&p_p_lifecycle=2&p_p_mode=view&p_p_resource_id=convertArticle&p_p_state=maximized#1#1
NOTES – Part 9 – Romania
[1] Veksler, Maks
https://congressforjewishculture.org/people/4498/Veksler,%20Maks%20(Max%20Wexler,%20Wechsler)%20(November%204,%201870%C3%A2%E2%82%AC%E2%80%9CMay%2014,%201917)
[2] Wexler, Max
https://encyclopedia.yivo.org/article/974
[3] Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea
https://jurnalfm.ro/constantin-dobrogeanu-gherea/
[4] Pauker (née Rabinsohn), Ana
https://jewishvirtuallibrary.org/pauker-n-x00e9-e-rabinsohn-ana
[5] Gheorghe Stoica
https://cyclowiki.org/wiki/Георге_Стойка
[6] Nationalism and orthodoxy: Nichifor crainic and the political culture of the extreme right in 1930s Romania
https://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/2048785/
[7] The “CHRISTIAN NATIONALISM” of Nichifor Crainic reflected in his work from the 4th decade of the 20th century
https://www.academia.edu/43540258/The_CHRISTIAN_NATIONALISM_of_Nichifor_Crainic_reflected_in_his_work_from_the_4th_decade_of_the_20th_century
[8] ebook 627; Central and Eastern European Anarchisms: (See chapter on free love.)
https://filosofia.flu.cas.cz/upload/__ebook/ebook-627.pdf#43#6
[9] Chapter 2 Roads to Recognition: Contested Forms of Women’s Expertise After the First World War
https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783111137162-003/pdf?licenseType=open-access
[10] Risqué and Radical: Benzion Liber’s X-Rated Yiddish Sex Guide
https://daily.jstor.org/the-x-rated-yiddish-sex-guide/
[11] Yiddish, sex and the post office
https://www.yiddishbookcenter.org/discover/vault/yiddish-sex-and-post-office
[12] On Socialist Eroticism. Building and Subverting Propaganda in Romanian Cinema Before 1989
https://www.academia.edu/9784390/On_Socialist_Eroticism_Building_and_Subverting_Propaganda_in_Romanian_Cinema_Before_1989
[12a] Love in the time of Communism : intimacy and sexuality in the GDR
https://archive.org/details/loveintimeofcomm0000mcle
[13] Vol. 61 No 4. The Iron Guard
https://www.bu.edu/partisanreview/books/PR1994V61N4/HTML/files/assets/basic-html/page74.html#1
[14] Anti-Semitism in universities and schools in Romania and Hungary between 1920 and 1938
https://iris.unitn.it/retrieve/e3835193-c70b-72ef-e053-3705fe0ad821/brown%20dissegna%20finale.pdf#8#3
**
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